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Но вся суть была в том, что эта хорошая жизнь представлялась через образование. Мы знали, что профессора, например, получали неимоверную зарплату, пользовались особыми привилегиями и имели огромное уважение у обществе.
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И если сейчас таджикский четырёхлетний мальчик, поддерживающий пакет для лука, уже стал, то что ждет его общество или общество, в котором он стал? А если в России девочки и мальчики хотят стать силовиками, есть ли это потребность в агрессии - защитить, завоевать - или более прагматичный подход к завоеванию престижа, доступу материальных ресурсов, чем старомодные хотения стать летчиками, врачами и т.
Кажется, дети прекрасно осведомлены о том, что при нынешнем устое общества будет приносить им максимальные блага жизни. И я не вижу большой разницы в желаниях четырехлетнего мальчика из Таджикистана и желаниями российских детей. Мальчик, работающий на базе, хочет много денег и хочет тратить их на родине.
А российские дети во взрослой жизни хотят быть одеты в форму силовиков. Но, по сути, у них одинаковые мечты. Просто у российских детей желание иметь высокую прибыль прикрыто сильной патриотической риторикой, желанием управлять, выявлять преступников, наказывать и сделать этот мир справедливым.
Но есть ли и будет ли понимание того, что такое справедливость для брата и сестры, работающих и живущих на овощной базе, это вопрос. Read it in Russian here. Recently I have become very popular among my London circle. During a recent trip to South Ossetia I had been interrogated by the security services, who publicly accused me of espionage and of sharing with the people my supposed "skills" in preparing for a "colour revolution".
On my return, my friends and colleagues queued up to meet me, concerned to know how I was and what had happened. We managed to be both amused and saddened by this episode. I joked with my friends that deep down I suspected they only wanted to meet me to learn my "skills". But then I received a more unusual invitation from an old friend to go to the theatre. Initially, I was confused as to how such a philosophical novel could be adapted for stage, but I watched a very subtle psychological drama unfold, a tragedy, depicting a human life as an constant process of being blamed of undefined charges, made by accusers who hide their own vices and crimes but publicly call for global justice.
If for Shakespeare, all the world is a stage, then for Kafka it is a courtroom.
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As I watched the performance, I felt that Kafka had written it for me, about my own life experience, and about South Ossetia, the society where I was accused of being a spy and attempting to undermine the authorities. I realised that Kafka was raising those very issues that I had myself been mulling over ever since the interrogation. In The Trial a young banker is accused of a crime.
Of what crime nobody knows - neither him nor the judge - but the main thing is that he is accused. He gets signals from both the authorities and from friends that it is only an allegation, and that he can get on with his life as before, living, working and, indeed, loving. He thinks the accusation is a misunderstanding or even a hoax, but he gradually becomes immersed in the parallel reality of the prosecutors and discovers that a number of his colleagues are implicated and collaborating with the prosecutors.
Everyone is polite and respectful, but they know his "case" in depth.
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Some want to help him avoid heavy penalties. An absurd, but realistic bureaucratic process begins as he strives to refute that which has not happened.
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The case in The Trial takes us to such depths of paranoia that the hero, seeing how society is so fully consumed by suspicion that it has become their reality, begins to doubt himself. Digging into his memory, frantically looking for his guilt, he delves into his childhood memories, remembering times when he might have misbehaved.
Kafka skilfully reveals the mechanisms by which paranoid thinking is propagated in society, nevertheless leaving many questions unanswered. I would like to emphasise an important point. More importantly, how is this possible? Where are its roots?
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Is there a public demand for such paranoia, and if so, then why? I believe that it is primarily a defence mechanism. But from what? I think that post-conflict societies fear a return to war. They suffer from the fear of the absence of reliable partners. The fear of the new, the unfamiliar, the unknown. The fear of the prospect of opening up, of any disruption to their isolation, which has become entrenched over the long years of conflict.
The fear of disappearing amid global trends and developments. The fear of losing their uniqueness, a major part of which is about maintaining a high level of alert and constant vigilance. The fear of losing their warrior skills and experience - an important identity marker. The fear of not being on an equal footing with communities whose development has not been so severely arrested by war. The fear of critical thinking, which is otherwise disproportionately applied to the outside world. All this adds up to the fear that the ideals for which they fought — resulting in so many lost lives and altered fates — became lost or obscured; and that the price paid starts to seem immeasurably higher than the value of the result, by any objective means of measurement.
A defence mechanism can often play a regressive role in society and history provides many examples.
But nobody wants South Ossetia to fall into that trap. Despite everything, I still believe South Ossetia can avoid crossing the thin line between the rational and the paranoid, from beyond which it is hard to return safely. There are many people who are striving hard to rebuild the social fabric, destroyed by war, isolation and lack of opportunities, and they deserve support.
Recently, Russian socio-political discourse has been buzzing on a new topic, widely discussed in Russian society and by experts, but less so by the political elite and by international experts.
The topic of discussion is rather significant and serious, and could mark the beginning of a new trend in the relationships between Chechnya and Russia, Chechnya and the Kremlin, and Chechnya and the rest of the North Caucasus. In April, a Chechen man was killed in Grozny while being arrested by police from neighbouring Stavropol. He also complained that Chechens are not given the right to conduct similar anti-terrorist operations in neighbouring Ingushetia, which has seen an inflow of extremist groups from Chechnya. With this statement, Kadyrov, in effect, let the Kremlin and the whole of Russia know that continuing on from his delineation of economic, cultural, religious and other frontiers in Chechnya, he is now creating political and, it could be argued, state borders too.
Public life is regulated by a balance between law and the interpretation of law in terms of a traditional social system. From recently having been a secular republic, it is now not possible for a woman to enter a state institution with her head uncovered. The essence of this special status arises from an agreement between Putin and Kadyrov to ensure loyalty to the Russian authorities in exchange for a limitless budget.
This arrangement works brilliantly. In Kadyrov, despite lacking many qualities considered essential for entering the political elite, went to meet Putin in the Kremlin, not standing on ceremony, dressed in a blue tracksuit and trainers. It is said that he and his guard played football with a matchbox on the gleaming floor of the waiting hall before his meeting. And from that moment began his challenging journey as head of the rebellious republic that had been bombed and almost obliterated from the face of the earth. One hears the most extraordinary stories and frequently unbelievable rumours about Kadyrov.
For example, it is said that he played football with the heads of his opponents. The list of serious allegations against him from human rights defenders is vast. However, it is also well known that people who find themselves in difficult circumstances turn to him for help and he is eager to respond. It should also be acknowledged that post-war restoration has taken place under his watch.
In the early s, when working as part of a post-war humanitarian mission I could only cross the Chechen border with a UN escort and an armoured car, accompanied by armed guard with extreme safety rules. While in contrast, a couple of weeks ago my artist daughter went there for the day with a Belgian expert on modern art to meet other young artists.
Under Kadyrov, Chechnya has become one of the safest republics in the North Caucasus. People from other North Caucasian republics go to Chechnya to live and work.
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The Chechen authorities, and Kadyrov himself, respond vigorously to the oppression and xenophobia that their compatriots face in Russia. This has increased their level of protection, which is not the case for those who originate from other Caucasian republics. The changes that have taken place in Chechnya over the last decade are highly respected. Moreover, frustrated by social stagnation, and by their incompetent and corrupt ruling elites, other people of the North Caucasus frequently openly express a desire to have a strong, young, independent and just leader like Kadyrov.
And never, of course, does the talk turn to the price that has been paid for all this. He understands full well that the Russian public and the Kremlin are not happy about this, even if they do not comment officially. He could interpret this silence as a sign that he can continue with his strategy to gradually delineate borders as an independent state. It is clear that he understands well that whatever discontent with him within the Russian security establishment and the Kremlin, he is not expecting them to confront him at this time, as long as Russia is involved in a conflict with Ukraine that is far from settled.
Nobody today can predict trends in the North Caucasus, which is very different from Russia on account of the predominance of traditional social structures, and the extent that they influence political institutions. A hard life has taught this unsophisticated and cocky young man that change happens not through decisions taken, but through a patient process. In his life, he has been in a courageous and brutal war against Russia, shoulder to shoulder with his father, Akhmad Kadyrov, and then led a process of recovery from ruin in his homeland by means of an unending and uncontrolled financial inflow from Russia.
Now a purposeful effort can be made towards statehood. Who knows what place in this process the energetic, open-to-compromise, and ambitious Ramzan Kadyrov will take. When I get up in the morning, the first thing I do is read the news. I scan as many sources as I can depending on the time I have available. Many years of doing this have convinced me that nothing is written without a reason. It is as the Russian poet Mayakovsky wrote, that even if the stars are lit, it means someone needs it. A few days ago I read that the South Ossetian parliament had discussed a draft law "on subsoil and subsoil use in the Republic of South Ossetia", banning the import of nuclear waste into the republic.
According to the report, the MPs apparently considered the current law on subsoil to be outdated - though no reason for this was given.